<rdf:RDF xmlns:rdf="http://www.w3.org/1999/02/22-rdf-syntax-ns#" xmlns:dcterms="http://purl.org/dc/terms/">
<rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1614">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project â€“ interim progress report ]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[In early 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) was formally awarded a large Australian Research Council (ARC) Linkage Grant, enabling ten Partner Organisations to join with four Australian Universities in one of the largest multi-organisational maritime archaeology projects to be undertaken in Australia. The project involved a month-long excavation on the historic shipwreck Clarence (1850) in April/May 2012 and a complex reburial program in November 2012. Further in-situ preservation work is also being conducted on James Matthews (1841) in Western Australia to test experimental reburial approaches in an alternative marine environment. The work on Clarence is now in its research, analysis, monitoring and reporting phase, with artefact, sediment and chemical analyses being undertaken. This paper will provide an interim report on AHSPP since its launch at the 1st Asia-Pacific Regional Conference on Underwater Cultural Heritage in Manila in 2011. It will provide analysis of some of the more significant artefacts and features revealed during excavation and approaches to long-term in-situ preservation and management of shipwreck sites. ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Debra Shefi  ]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Peter Veth]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Cassandra Philippou]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Jennifer Rodrigues]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Vicki Richards]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Peter Harvey, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.) ]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1613">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[The Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project: <br />
In-situ preservation and long-term monitoring of the Clarence (1850) and James Matthews (1841)shipwreck sites ]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[Increasingly archaeologists are opting for on-site examination, reinterment and in-situ preservation of underwater cultural heritage sites as the first option in the management of sites at risk as opposed to the more traditional excavation, recovery, conservation and display/storage methods. This decision will inevitably be based on significance assessment, degree of perceived risk and resourcing issues. However, long-term monitoring must become an integral part of these management programmes in order to quantitatively evaluate the effectiveness of the in-situ preservation techniques employed. Absence of monitoring is equivalent to abrogation of responsible management and in some cases can be considered tantamount to cultural vandalism. In 2012 the Australian Historic Shipwreck Preservation Project (AHSPP) commenced, having secured funding through a substantial Australian Research Council Linkage Grant with 10 Australian Partner Organisations and three universities. One of the major aims of the project is to develop a protocol for the excavation, detailed recording and reburial of significant shipwrecks under threat, fostering a strategic national approach for the management of underwater cultural heritage sites at risk. Two historically significant shipwreck sites were chosen for this longitudinal comparative study â€“ the Clarence (1850) located in Port Phillip Bay, Victoria and the James Matthews (1841) which lies in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia. Both sites have been preserved in situ using two very different but innovative remediation strategies. More importantly a long-term monitoring programme has been implemented which will characterise changes in the reburial environment and the effect on the reinterred materials. In this way, the efficacy of both in-situ preservation techniques will be systematically tested, providing a comparative analysis of practical protocols for the long-term protection and management of underwater archaeological resources.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Vicki Richards]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Ian MacLeod]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Peter Veth, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1612">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Scientific analysis and conservation of porcelain  recovered from the Nanhai I in the South China Sea ]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[The Nanhai I is a merchant ship which sank in the South China Sea 800 years ago while transporting different kinds of precious porcelain and metal work. The Nanhai shipwreck is 30 m long wooden vessel lay in 25 m of water and was covered by fine sediment. Most of the porcelain artefacts are discs, bowls, vases and pots. Some of them were covered by thick encrustations. In this research, X-ray fluorescence energy dispersive X-ray (XRF-EDX) analysis and ion chromatography (IC) were employed to investigate the contaminants in these porcelains. Distilled water and alternating hot and cold cleaning were used to remove the harmful salts. Conductivity meter and ion chromatography were used to monitor the desalination processes. Based on these results, an appropriate method was selected to desalinate the porcelain from the Nanhai I shipwreck.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Nai-sheng Li]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Xing-linTian]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Zhi-guo Zhang ]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Da-wa Sheng]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Jing-nan Du, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1611">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[The construction of a simple sand dumping barge to aid reburial of a shipwreck site ]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[A gradual and unremitting decrease in the level of the sand forming the seabed in which the wreck of the James Matthews (1841) lies buried (located in Cockburn Sound, Western Australia) became a cause for concern as progressive deterioration of the structures on the site was taking place. The situation led to the innovative use of linked medium density polyethylene Traffic Management Delineator barriers (Omni OB1800) to create a walled enclosure around the site into which sand could be reintroduced to bury exposed structures and prevent its subsequent dispersal, as would be the case if it were simply dumped over the wreck. The shallow, 2.5m depth of water over the wreck site restricted the possibility of delivering a substantial quantity of sand via a large vessel or barge. Commercial dredging and pumping of sand was also considered but financial constraints ultimately ruled out any of these options. The volume of sand required to fill the enclosed area was calculated to be 165 cubic metres. To improve the rate at which a reasonable amount of sand could be added to the enclosure a small budget ($2000 AUD) was provided by the Australian Historic Shipwreck Protection Project (AHSPP) for the Western Australian Museumâ€™s team of retired, volunteer Marine Engineers to design and construct a 3m x 4m sand dumping barge. Costs incurred were mainly for the steel framework and floor components of the barge as they required materials of specific dimensions. A small boat winch and pulley were also specific purchases. Floatation was provided by fourteen steel drums (each 200 litre capacity), which were obtained gratis. Note no labour costs were incurred to construct the barge. ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Jon Carpenter]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Jim Grehan]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Jan Dols, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1610">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[An Ethno-archaeological perspective of Maritime Cultural interaction between Southeast China and the West world during the 16th and 17th centuries ]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[The Portuguese and Spanish navigation from Europe to East Asia and America opened the early globalization, one of the most important periods of cultural interaction in human history. The broad and deep maritime cultural exchange and conflict between Eastern Asia and the Western world resulted in this period after the arrival of the first European navigators. In the Southeast China region, a series of tangible and intangible cultural heritages as shipwreck with cargosâ€™ content of different cultures, maritime trading remains, East-West mixed seaport building, and the exchange of agricultural goods have been identified and studied through archaeological and ethnographical methodology. The results show a significant cultural change in eastern Asia resulted from maritime cultural interaction and early globalization since the arrival of Spanish and Portugal ships to the region in the 16the and 17th centuries. ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Chunming Wu, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1609">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Results of the â€œBeeswax Wreckâ€ Research Project]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[The results of a seven-year, multi-disciplinary investigation into the identity and origin of the â€œBeeswax Wreckâ€ are discussed. The â€œBeeswax Wreckâ€ is the name historically given to a 17th century source of marked beeswax blocks and candles found along beaches of the north Oregon coast. Artifact analysis, remote sensing, geoarchaeological investigations, and archival research indicate the Beeswax Wreck was an Acapulco-bound galleon that wrecked near Nehalem Bay prior to AD 1700, and is most likely the remains of the galleon Santo Cristo de Burgos. The Santo Cristo de Burgos sailed from the Philippines on July 1st, 1693 and disappeared.  No trace of the vessel was ever found despite years of searching by the Spanish in the islands of the west Pacific and along the Mexican coast. ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Scott S. Williams, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1608">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[All our vessels are rowed from within, these are paddled from without, Spanish and European Colonial Reception of Philippine Indigenous Craft ]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[When the European visitors arrived in the Philippines from the Sixteenth century, they encountered a range of indigenous craft ranging from logboats to plank-built vessels. These boats, especially the plank-built vessels, were built in a very different style to their own. They were particularly interested in the single and double outriggers employed on these craft. The plank-built craft used hand carved strakes rather than sawn timber and were held together by dowels and treenails. The hull strakes were fastened together by the lashed-lug technique or sewn. No metal fastenings were used in the construction. Similar techniques were used throughout Island Southeast Asia. They recognised the maritime skills of the Filipinos and soon used them as crew on their own vessels and as craftsmen to build European-style vessels using local materials. The Spanish noted the suitability of the local vessels in the Philippine environment, due to their speed and ability to cross shallow coral reefs, even though they were largely ineffective in fighting against European vessels. They continued to employ boats built in the local tradition for communications and to suppress maritime raiders from the areas not under colonial control. These vessels continued in this role until replaced by steam vessels in the nineteenth century. This paper will explore the European views on these traditional craft and the way they were utilised and adapted by the Spanish and other Europeans powers.  ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Roderick Stead, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1607">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[East in the West : Investigating the Asian presence  and influence in Brazil from the 16th to 18th centuries.]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[This study is the second part of investigative research into early Asian presence in the Atlantic. The first investigation focused on the islands of Macaronesia (Canary Islands, Madeira, Azores and Cape Verde Islands), and resulted in a better understanding of the motives, means and influences that defined Asian presence in some of these islands, and not in others. It identified the existence of a maritime â€œLusitanian spaceâ€ which provided the vehicle of culture contact, and conveyance of Luso-Asians into the Atlantic World primarily through maritime employment, the work of the Society of Jesus (commonly known as the Jesuits) and within the entourage of people in governance and social prominence. This initial multi-disciplinary investigation hinted at a connection between Portuguese Asia and Brazil, which forms the basis of this research study. ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Cliff Pereira, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1606">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Maritime Trade in Southeast Asia during the Early Colonial Period ]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[The arrival of naval expeditions in the Philippines and Melaka from Spain and Portugal respectively during the early sixteenth century CE created profound transformations in patterns of Southeast Asian maritime trade as European markets became available to Southeast Asian products and vice versa. The production and distribution of Southeast Asian natural and manufactured products intensified in response to increased supply and demand. This subsequently led to the discovery of raw material sources and production centres as well as the emergence and development of maritime polities that serve as ports of call by various types of watercraft vessels. This paper will present the archaeological excavation results of sixteenth century shipwrecks in Malaysia (Xuande and Wanli), the Philippines (San Isidro and Royal Captain junk) and Thailand (KoSamui and KoKradat) in an attempt to analyse maritime trade patterns as the Southeast Asian region transitioned from its previous intraregional-focus on maritime trade to participants of the global trade economy. ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Bobby C. Orillaneda, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1605">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Oceanic deaths aboard the Manila galleons]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[In the present investigation we aim to make an approach to some aspects concerning life aboard the Manila Galleon (from the 16th to the 19th centuries), such as diseases, death and burial of bodies, the psychology of the crew in face of these facts, etc. All with the aim of contributing to a better knowledge of the life of the crew and the passengers on one of the most complex and long-lasting sea trade routes that have ever existed in the Modern Age. ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Miguel Luque-TalavÃ¡n, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1604">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Analysis of the Beeswax Shipwreck Porcelain Collection ]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[An assemblage of 1577 porcelain sherds associated with a historically recorded but unidentified shipwreck on the north Oregon coast was analyzed to determine the age and intended destination of the ship and its cargo. Prior to this study, only a limited number of studies of Asian export porcelain to the New World were available, and even fewer studies of their occurrence in the Pacific Northwest. This study provides a date range for the manufacture of the porcelain and information on the nationality of the Beeswax Wreck. The presence of the shipwreck, known locally as the Beeswax Wreck, has been documented through both historic sources and archaeological research. Archaeological materials associated with the wreck are consistent with a Manila galleon bound for Acapulco.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[M. S. Jessica Lally, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1603">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[A Seat at the Table: Addressing Artefact Biases in Asian Shipwreck Assemblages]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[The ceramic trade throughout Medieval Southeast Asia was prolific. Terrestrial sites have yielded massive amounts of ceramic material and the archaeological reports of shipwreck cargoes corroborate the versatile and extensive qualities of trade ceramics in the region. The sheer quantity of ceramic artefacts found in shipwreck assemblages, paired with a well-researched framework of the aesthetic, show that there is no doubt that we rely heavily on ceramic data to date wrecks and establish regional trading patterns. This paper will debate that we are too &#039;ceramo-centric&#039; in our analyses of shipwrecks. While ceramics typically represent the bulk of the recovered material in these instances, many other types of media are present in the assemblage. Yet, these â€œlesserâ€ materials suffer from a lack of investigation and therefore play virtually no role in the archaeological and historical assessment. This case study focuses on the non- ceramic assemblages for six shipwrecks from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries of Southeast Asia (three Chinese-built and three Southeast Asian-styled junks). The typological study of the metallurgical, organic and geological material from these wrecks can complement much of the work surrounding existing trade models as well as reveal new concepts of crew life, belief systems and culture. These facets come together to offer a more holistic narrative as well as stimulating the need within the region for more study regarding the locations where past peoples mined and manufactured raw metals. ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Brian M. Fahy, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1602">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[The Southeast Asian Galleon Trade: A process towards a re-assessment of human-environment interaction]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[In 1939, William Schurz published â€˜The Manila Galleonâ€™ that has been considered a seminal work in maritime history (in the English language). In it, he proposed the shipping route of the galleon trade in the Pacific Ocean during the 16th to 19th centuries. The directional flow of goods were purported to enter eastern Southeast Asia through the Philippine archipelago at the San Bernardino Strait. The same strait was also used as the exit point by the galleons that travelled northeast out of East Asia and east bound across the Pacific. This paper will reconsider Schurzâ€™s hypothesis with input from up to date analyses based on environmental data. Our results are displayed in layers on digital seascape in a Geographic Information Systems (GIS) format? These layers include detailed water-surface topography (small islands, atolls, reefs) as well as the dynamic atmospheric and oceanic environment. The data for these layers were gathered from accessible online datasets generated by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA). These datasets were then reconfigured into algorithms and models for use in a set of geovisualizations using GIS and Google Earth. This is overlaid with Schurzâ€™s hypothesized historic shipping route. The results are a comparison of human-environment interaction and a re-assessment of a 75 year old hypothesis. ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Jennifer Craig]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Carl Hughes, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:source><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:source>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1601">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[The outfitting and sailing of early sixteenth-century vessels in the Pacific: The Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions (1525-1536)]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[This paper examines the information provided by primary written sources in relation to the outfitting and sailing of the ships used in the Loaysa and Saavedra expeditions, which took place between 1525 and 1536. On July 24, 1525, seven vessels, under the command of Garcia Jofre de Loaysa, departed from La CoruÃ±a, Spain, to take the Moluccas for the king of Spain, Charles I. Only one nao reached its destination where the Spanish managed to thwart the Portuguese for several years with the help of the natives. In 1527, HernÃ¡n CortÃ©s sent Alvaro de Saavedra with three ships from New Spain to find Trinidad, a ship from the Magellanâ€™s expedition, and to find out the outcome of the Loaysa expedition. He never returned. A close examination of eleven documents written by survivors of both expeditions revealed one hundred and twelve references regarding the use of nautical technology and operational aspects of seafaring in the Pacific Ocean in the early sixteenth century. This data includes ship typology, rigging, navigation techniques, equipment, provisions and containers, ballast, hull maintenance, seagoing disasters and their remedies, ordnance, and naval warfare. This type of information is useful for nautical archaeologists since it can be compared with the data provided by contemporary nautical and shipbuilding treatises and be used to interpret the archaeological data. The analysis of such primary documents is analogous to the way an archaeologist approach an excavation site â€“ the data is gathered and then interpreted by the nautical archaeologists. ]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Jose Luis CasabÃ¡n, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/15/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1600">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Disaster in the High Seas: The Spanish Expeditions in the Pacific in the Sixteenth Century ]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[The Pacific Ocean is the largest body of water on earth, measuring more than 165 million square kilometers. Although the first European to spot it was Vasco NuÃ±ez de Balboa in 1513, who named it Mar del Sur (South Sea) due to a miscalculation, it was Ferdinand Magellan who named it Pacifico after taking notice of its calm waters.  This paper discusses the various disasters that sixteenth-century Spanish expeditions encountered during their trips to and from the Philippines while crossing the vast Pacific Ocean. It focuses on four events: (1) natural disasters like storms and gales; (2) health hazards like diseases and spoiled food provisions; (3) man-made hazards like mutinies and piracies; and, (4) other accidents like leaks and reef grounding. The study covers the period from Magellanâ€™s voyage of 1519 up to the trips of the galleons until the end of the sixteenth century, and concludes with the lessons learned from a century of traversing the Pacific.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Ma. Luisa De Leon-Bolinao, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/14/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1599">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[Border and Shaping of Identities: The Fort of Nuestra SeÃ±ora del Pilar of Zamboanga, Mindanao (Philippines)1]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[At the end of the 15th century, Southeast Asia underwent a process of islamisation. Muslim presence in Southern Philippines was strongly fought by the Spaniards since 1570 and until the end of their presence in this archipelago. They named these Muslims moors, due to the similarity they established between them and the Muslims in the Iberian Peninsula. The Philippines was a border territory and the Philippine society was used to live at the edge of the Imperial possessions. The Sulu Sea was a real border zone from a geographical, cultural and historical point of view, whose study allows us to analyse the relations between the Spaniards and the local powers, and vice versa. Within this context, we will focus on the analysis of the history of the Hispanic forts in the island of Mindanao, in particular of the Fort of Nuestra SeÃ±ora del Pilar of Zamboanga, a really strategic settlement in Southern Philippines, whose historical development allows us to analyse the different policies introduced by the Hispanic Monarchy in these regions subjected to its nominal sovereignty.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Miguel Luque-TalavÃ¡n, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/13/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1598">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[The diffusion of the material culture in the early period of the trade globalization:<br />
A preliminary study on silver coins and shipwreck porcelains found in East Asia of the 16th and17th centuries]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[In the 16th-17th centuries, world trade patterns greatly changed. East and West entered a period of an enormous amount of sailing since the 1500s. In the East, the traditional Asian maritime trade network - which mainly relied on maritime merchants of Southeast China, was gradually restored. After the discovery of the Americas in 1492 by the Spanish kingdom of Castille, and the establishment of the Eastward passage to India by the kingdom of Portugal in the late 1400s, both Spain and Portugal arrived in Asia-Pacific in the 1500s and interacted with Eastern Asia local cultures. This set up the early globalization process. The silk and porcelains from China, spices from Southeast Asia, textiles from India, and coins from Mexico and Japan, were all important materials and media in the global trade of this period. Dozens of shipwrecks dated to this period have been identified as both East Asian maritime vessels (including Chinese junks) and European exploration and trading vessels in Southern China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Indonesia and Malaysia. Chinese porcelains were the main cargoes in all of them. We also find a growing number of silver coins at the archaeological sites and shipwrecks of this time period. These interesting maritime archaeological materials show early pan-Pacific trading navigation between eastern Asia and the Western world. They help reveal the early international maritime trading history between eastern Asia and the West, early European colonization in eastern Asia, and resulting issues of expanding globalization.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Liu Miao, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/13/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1597">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[The Stolen Memory: The Legal Crisis of the Hispanic Sunken Heritage in America and its causes]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[The exam of the legal practice related to the Hispanic underwater heritage in the last 10 years in the United States shows that this has been the main resource of a mature treasure hunter industry in that country; that this industry has developed a specific discourse denying intrinsic cultural value to the Hispanic historical remains; and that this discourse has had an influence over the juridical and administrative authorities in the United States in such a way that legal, academic and media approaches to this archaeological legacy show an inadvertent but significant discrimination against the Hispanic Heritage -instead of Heritage of other cultural origins-, with the result that an important record of American history has been reduced to a mere industry and a resource for exploitation without requiring a minimal scientific counterpart, constituting without doubt one of the most serious and consummate problems within the entire historical record of the American history. In Hawaii in a recent court case, in which a Spanish galleon appears to be involved, we face the problem of fitting the Hispanic legacy in America in its legal and academic form, specifically because it brings into question the fact that Captain James Cook became the first European to discover the Hawaiian Islands, and makes manifest the extra historical relevance this assumption still holds. In this paper we deal with legal, historical and social aspects of this issue.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[JosÃ© MarÃ­a Lancho, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/13/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1596">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[A Geographic Analysis of Traders and Trade Goods in Japanâ€™s Late Medieval Seto Inland Sea]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[This paper will discuss ongoing research into the flow of both goods and people in medieval (14th - 16th centuries) Japanâ€™s Seto Inland Sea area. Prior to colonialism and contact with the West, there was already a complex, well developed maritime network in place within Japan that has received little attention. Understanding the extent of the domestic trade network reveals the thriving trade between communities within the Inland Sea, in conjunction with the better known court-centric tribute and tax system. Examining archaeological and written records concerning trade goods and collaboration among shipsâ€™ captains provides a clearer understanding of the networks and developments in this region. Although the foundation for much of this research comes from the documentary record, incorporating the archaeological evidence into a GIS (Geographic Information Systems) database paints a fuller picture of the networks within the Inland Sea before contact with the West.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Michelle Damian, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/13/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description><rdf:Description rdf:about="http://www.themua.org/collections/items/show/1595">
    <dcterms:title><![CDATA[The impact of mass media in the discrimination of Hispanic sunken heritage and the implementation of the UNESCO 2001 Convention]]></dcterms:title>
    <dcterms:description><![CDATA[Sunken Hispanic heritage has been perceived sometimes just as an amount of gold and treasures. Unfortunately this widespread approach has prevented archaeologists to succeed in connecting the Hispanic-related cultural remains and shipwrecks with Americaâ€™s naval archaeological record. The treasure hunting industry took advantage on this and now we regret the destruction of dozens of sites. UNESCOâ€™s 2001 Convention for the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage (CUPCH) (henceforth the Convention) is still the only legal and cooperative framework available to avoid Hispanic sunken ships from looting and dissolving into the marketplace. This is why treasure hunters, from 2010, undertook coordinated attacks against the Convention, often displaying dishonest behaviors, as was demonstrated in Courts, and requesting to be considered fair archaeological contractors. They gathered unfavorable opinions against the Convention even from archaeologists who agree with the UNESCO criteria but want an enforcement of research and projects suggested in the Convention but are concerned about misreading &quot;in situ&quot; conservation as if it were &quot;in situ&quot; oblivion. Now a new Heritage Act in Colombia allows treasure hunting companies to dig colonial shipwrecks legally. This is a beachhead and a challenge for the Convention&#039;s signatory countries as well as for archaeologists. The more scientific standards we set, the more actively committed with research and sharing knowledge we must be.]]></dcterms:description>
    <dcterms:creator><![CDATA[Jesus GarcÃ­a Calero, in Van Tilburg, H., Tripati, S., Walker Vadillo, V., Fahy, B., and Kimura, J. (eds.)]]></dcterms:creator>
    <dcterms:date><![CDATA[5/13/2014]]></dcterms:date>
</rdf:Description></rdf:RDF>
